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Typological essays on Kalapalo grammar by Ellen B. Basso
This collection contains of essays with typological significance based on the field research and comparative interests of Ellen B. Basso. For associated field data, see the Kalapalo Collection of Ellen Basso. That fieldwork was funded by the National Science Foundation, the Wenner-Gren Foundation, the Guggenheim Foundation and the University of Arizona., Esta colección contiene ensayos con significado tipológico basados en la investigación de campo y los intereses comparativos de Ellen B. Basso. Para los datos de campo asociados, vea la Colección Kalapalo de Ellen Basso. Ese trabajo de campo fue financiado por la Fundación Nacional de Ciencias, la Fundación Wenner-Gren, la Fundación Guggenheim y la Universidad de Arizona.
Tzotzil Collection of John Haviland
http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~jhaviland/, This is a large collection of video and audio recordings created from the 1970's to the present decade. Funds for archiving this collection were provided by the National Endowment for the Humanities., Esta es una colección grande de grabaciones de video y audio creado desde los 1970's hasta en la decada presente. Fondos para archivar esta colección fueron proporcinado por la National Endowment for the Humanities.
Uspanteko Collection of Ryan Bennett and Robert Henderson
https://panteko.us/, Materials in and about Uspanteko, a K'ichean-branch Mayan language of Guatemala. The materials reflect a range of different elicitation tasks aimed at the collection of data on word- and phrase-level prosody in the language, as well as more general documentation of Uspanteko language and culture. This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Numbers BCS-1551043 and BCS-1551666. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation., Materiales en y acerca del idioma Uspanteko, un idioma Mayan de Guatemala que pertenece a la rama K'icheana. Las materiales reflejan varios metodos de elicitación con la meta de recopilar datos sobre la prosódia del idioma a los niveles de la palabra y la frase, y también la documentación general del idioma Uspanteko y la cultura uspanteka. Este material se basa en trabajo apoyado por la National Science Foundation bajo las subvenciones No. BCS-1551043 y No. BCS-1551666. Cualquier opinión, hallazgo, conclusión o recomendación expresado en este material son del autor/los autores y no necesariamente reflejan los de la National Science Foundation.
The Works of Thomas Cedric Smith-Stark
This collection consists of the published and unpublished writings, presentations, and handouts of Thomas Cedric Smith Stark, who work at the Colegio de México for 28 years., Esta colección consta de las obras, ponencias y volantes publicados y no publicados de Thomas Cedric Smith Stark, que trabajó en el Colegio de México por 28 años.
Wounaan Oral Traditions and Music, Lapovsky Kennedy Collection, 1964-1966
Description of the collection made by the depositor: "All the stories and music in this collection were recorded between 1964 and 1966 by myself, Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy (Liz), assisted by my husband of that time, Perry Kennedy. I was doing field work for my doctoral dissertation, a holistic ethnography of the Wounaan people entitled, "The Waunan of the Siguirisúa River: A Study of Individual Autonomy and Social Responsibility with Special Reference to Economic Aspects." For recordings done almost 50 years ago they are in excellent condition. However, sometimes my record keeping about the “who,” “when” and “where” of storytelling was less than perfect, leaving a few holes in the metadata. (The missing information is probably embedded in my field notes which I didn’t have time to access.) Although the majority of field work time was spent on the Siguirisúa River, the total population of which numbered 249 people, living in 22 houses dispersed along the length of the river, in January 1965, we also spent a couple of months on the Docampadó river. I am including a section entitled , “Conditions of field work,” from my dissertation Introduction that gives a description of field work written closer to the time. Wounaan told stories at the end of the day as people were preparing for sleep. Often they would start out gathered around the story teller, and would leave if sleep called before the story was finished. My recollection is that storytelling was a regular occurrence. When we discovered that, we encouraged it for our recordings. Wounaan were happy to oblige us as they themselves really enjoyed the storytelling. No recordings of stories were staged in advance. They were told by people present in a house, when their telling suited Wounaan schedules. They could have a small audience in a small house or a large audience in a large house with visitors. We collected 209 stories. Since we lived in every house on the Siguirisúa river for at least a short period of time, we had a variety of different story tellers from the Siguirisúa but also some from the Docampadó, 36 in all, for which we only have names for 27. (The reason we are missing 9 names is due to problems in my record keeping, not to narrators’ desire to remain anonymous.) We identified narrators from the index on the tape box , from my census, from a list of photographs and sometimes Perry announced the story teller before he/she began. For narrators whose names are missing, we identify them as narrator 1, 2, 3, so that those listening to the stories today can ascertain whether this is a different unknown narrator. For some people we only have their first name, because in general we were following good social science practice of the time of not fully identifying narrators. When preparing the collection I added last names from my memory, when I could. (We encourage anyone who knows the last name to contact AILLA. For a few people we only had a name and no identifying characteristics.) The majority of story tellers were men, only 3 women. They were of all ages, although unquestionably some of the elder men, such as Luis Angel Chamarra, were known for their story telling ability, while others were just learning. All of the story tellers seemed to me to be native speakers of Wounaan meu with some knowledge of Spanish. However, it is possible that Embera was spoken at home for some and I didn’t pick this up. For instance, I know that at least one native Embera speaking woman was married to a native Wounaan speaker and lived on the river with him. I did not follow up on the linguistic impact of this arrangement. Also at the time I did not know anything about distinct dialects among Wounaan. So information given under “subject community” is provided based on the knowledge of contemporary Wounaan language experts. This topic on the division between those from the creeks (Dösigpien) and the main and lower San Juan River (Döcharpien) is a bit controversial: everyone acknowledges it exists, but define it a bit differently depending on where they are from. Part of the difficulty is that to classify someone from the main San Juan River (Döcharpien) is essentially denying that the creeks are part of that river, which itself holds much cultural currency as the "true river" of Wounaan homelands. Regardless, the division does carry linguistic and cultural characteristics that PTOW (Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan) staff felt were important to recognize in the meta data. (See Julia Velasquez’ Runk’s dissertation , “And the Creator Began to Carve Us of Cocobolo’: Culture, History, Forest Ecology, and Conservation among Wounaan in Eastern Panama,” for further information.) In the mid-1960s, Wounaan looked forward to stories and were actively engaged in the process. It was expected that the audience would interact with the story teller by making comments that show their interest and involvement and help move the story along. Comments came from young people as well as adults, women as well as men. (We have almost no data on the names of the commentators in this collection.) The story teller never got distracted by the comments, but rather acknowledged them when appropriate and kept moving on. I did not learn until I was working with Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan, (Project of Wounaan Oral Tradition) PTOW, that is, the team of Wounaan linguists on the NSF DEL grant, “Documenting Wounaan meu,” for which I am co PI, that many comments on the Siguirisúa and Docampadó stories were bawdy, or what present day Wounaan language experts, living in Panama, referred to in Spanish as having “palabras rojas.” In truth I had no idea that this was the case during the actual recording of the stories, even though I had an elementary grasp of Wounaan meu. Even more interesting to me, is that two pairs of Wounaan, who had been particularly helpful as language teachers on the river, and who accompanied us to Cali to work with me to transcribe stories from the recordings, never mentioned the bawdiness of the comments. They focused on transcribing the story line as developed by the story teller, and not the comments. This is a wonderful example of what can be missed if a researcher is not completely fluent in the language. The bawdy stories presented several problems for transcribing, translating and archiving this collection. The contemporary Wounaan language experts, working with PTOW on the NSF DEL Grant, were offended by the bawdy comments, and also didn’t want their children listening to them. Their first reaction was to not transcribe the comments. This is likely related to the fact that they have all been evangelized. Yet they also were aware of the contradiction that they wanted to preserve the language and customs of their ancestors, and yet wanted to ignore what they didn’t like. After much discussion the solution was to produce two transcriptions and translations of each story, one with comments and one without. Children under 12 would not receive passwords for the stories with comments, and others would have the choice of listening to the stories with comments or not. The preparation of the collection for deposit was done as part of the NSF grant, although I paid for the digitizing of the tapes and some of the indexing help. The indexing required the help of a fluent Wounaan speaker to accurately record the beginning and end of each story, to write the title of the stories in Spanish and Wounaan meu, and to write a brief summary of each story in Woounaan meu and Spanish. This knowledge was combined with my knowledge about the story teller, the location of the recording, etc. Diego Watico did the titles and summaries for the original indexing of tapes 1-6, and then Chindío Peña Ismare as part of PTOW reviewed that indexing and did the titles and summaries for stories and music on tape 7, 20, 21, 22, A & B and 31-34, while Toñio Peña Conquista worked on tapes 35-39. Chindío’s indexing was particularly valuable, because he had grown up on a small river, Pepecorro whose headwaters were quite close to the Docampadó. (The Pepecorro is a tributary of the Pimía, that flowed into a larger River, the Bicordó, that flowed into the major San Juan River.) He remembered some of the people and could recognize their voices. If our memories are in disagreement I include both in the metadata. Ping Pong Media of Tucson did the digitizing of the original reel to reel tapes.(See section F of the Depositor’s packet for more detail on equipment.) Bryan James Gordon, graduate student in the joint Linguistics/Anthropology program at the U of A and part of the NSF Grant, provided the technical assistance to make these digitized recordings available to Wounaan through Tool Box. Julia Velasquez Runk as lead PI for the project and dedicated scholar about Wounaan history and culture was an invaluable resource. And finally Jacque Lamb was my assistant in creating the Excel Spread sheet of metadata for the 209 stories and 53 pieces of music. She was invaluable in her knowledge of Excel and her attention to detail." See the PDF file below entitled "Kennedy_conditions_of_fieldwork.pdf" for more information about this project., Esta colección está en proceso de ser archivado. Descripción de la colección hechoa por la depositora: "Todos los cuentos y cantos en esta colección fueron grabados entre los años 1964 y 1966 por mí, Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy (Liz), asistida por mi marido en esos tiempos, Perry Kennedy. Yo estaba haciendo trabajo de campo para mi tesis doctoral, una etnografía completa de la gente Wounaan titulada "The Waunan of the Siguirisúa River: A Study of Individual Autonomy and Social Responsibility with Special Reference to Economic Aspects." Por ser grabaciones hechas hace casi 50 años, están en excelente condición. Sin embargo, a veces mis notas de las grabaciones fallan al notar el "quién",'"cuándo", y "dónde" de los recursos, y deja algunos campos vaciós en los metadatos. (Los datos que faltan probablemente están incluidos en mis notas de trabajo de campo los cuáles no pude acceder.) Aunque la mayoría del tiempo de trabajo de campo se ocupó en el río Siguirisúa, con una población total de 249 personas, viviendo en 22 casas a lo largo del río, en enero del 1965, y también pasamos unos dos meses en el río Docampadó. Estoy incluyendo una sección titulada "Condiciones del trabajo de campo" de la introducción de mis tesis doctoral que da una desripción del trabajo de campo escrita más cerca a ese tiempo. Los Wounaan contaban cuentos al fin del día mientras la gente se estaba preparando para dormir. Frecuentemente empezaban rodeando al narrador, y se iban si les daba sueño antes de terminar el cuento. A mi parecer, contaban cuentos comúnmente. Cuando descubrimos esto, animamos a la gente para hacer grabaciones. Los Wounaan estaban contentos de complacernos porque de verdad les gustaba hechar cuentos. Ninguna de las grabaciones fueron hechas predeterminadamente. Fueron contadas por la gente presente en la casa, cuando su narración se acomodaba al horario. Podía haber poca gente escuchando un cuento en una casa pequeÑa, o mucha gente escuchando en una casa grande con huéspedes. Recopilamos 209 cuentos. Como viviamos en cada casa del río Siguirisúa por lo menos un poco de tiempo, tuvimos una variedad de cuentos por una variedad de narradores de Siguirisúa pero también algunos del río Docampadó, 36 en total, de los cuáles tenemos nombres para 27 de ellos. (La razón por la cuál nos faltan 9 nombres es por culpa de que no lo noté en mis datos, y no porque los narradores desearon permanecer anónimos.) Identificamos a los narradores por el índice de da caja de la cinta, por mi ecnso, por una lista de fotos, y a veces porque Perry anunciaba el narrador antes de que comenzara a grabar. Por los narradores que nos faltan, los identificamos como narrador 1, 2, 3 etc., para que los que están escuchando en un futuro pueden determinar si es un narrador diferente o no. Para algunos narradores nada más tenemos los nombres y no los apellidos, porque en general estabamos siguiendo la práctica adecuada de ciencia social de no identificar completamente el narrador. Cuando preparamos la colección, yo agregué los apellidos de memoria, cuando podía. (Animamos a cualquiera que sepa los apellidos a contactar a AILLA. Para algunas personas nada más teníamos un nombre y no características especiales.) La mayoría de los narradores eran hombres, y tan solo tres eran mujeres. Eran de toda clase de edad, aunque sin duda algunos de los mayores como Luis Angel Chamarra eran conocidos por su abilidad de hechar cuentos, mientras que otros narradores tan solo estaban empezando a aprender. Todos los narradores parecían ser hablantes nativos de la lengua wounaan meu, con algo de conocimiento del español. Sin embargo, es posible que se hablaba Embera en algunas casas y no me di cuenta. Por ejemplo, sé que por lo menos una mujer que hablaba Embera estaba juntada con un hablante nativo Wounaan y vivía en el río con él. Yo no investigué el resultado del impacto lingüístico de esta situación. También, en ese tiempo no sabía nada de los dialectos diferentes dentro de los Wounaan. Entonces bajo la información de "comunidad de los sujetos", se provee basado en el conocimiento de los expertos modernos de la lengua wounaan meu. Este tema de la di'visión entre los de las quebradas (Dösigpien) y los del centro y bajo río San Juan (Döcharpien) es un poco controversial: todos reconocen que hay una diferencia, pero la definen de distintas maneras dependiendo de dónde son. Parte de esta dificultad es que al clasificar a alguién como se del centro del río San Juan (Döcharpien) es tambíen negar que las quebradas son parte de ese río, que en sí carga mucha relevancia cultural al ser el río legítimo de los antepasados Wounaan. Sin embargo, esta división lleva características lingüísticas y culturales que los empleados del PTOW (Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan) sintieron importantes para reconocer en los metadatos. (Ver la tesis doctoral de Julia Velasquez Runk, "And the Creator Began to Carve Us of Cocobolo’: Culture, History, Forest Ecology, and Conservation among Wounaan in Eastern Panama", para más información acerca de esto.) En los 1960s, los Wounaan se emocionaban por escuchar cuentos y eran activos en el proceso de narración. Era una expectitiva que los oyentes participaran en la narración al hacer comentarios que mostraban interés y participación para ayudar a darle seguimiento a la narración. Comentarios se daban por jovenes tanto como por adultuos, por mujeres y por hombres también. (Tenemos casi nada de información de los nombres de los que comentaban durante las narraciones en esta colección.) El narrador nunca se distraía por los comentarios, pero los reconocía cuando era apropiado y le daba seguimiento a la narración. Yo no me di cuenta hasta que empezé a trabajar con el Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan, PTOW, que es el equipo de lingüístas Wounaan en una beca de NSF DEL, "Documentando Wounaan meu", de la cual yo soy la co- invevstigadora principal, que muchos de los comentarios en las grabaciones de los cuentos de Siguirisúa y Docampadó eran irrespetuosos, o palabras que los expertos contemporáneos de la lengua Wounaan meu que viven en Panamá se referían como "palabras rojas". La verdad es que yo no sabía que este era el caso durante la grabación , aunque tenía un concepto básico de la lengua wounaan meu. Se me hace más interesante que dos parejas Wounaan, quienes fueron principalmente valiosos como maestros nuestros de la lengua, y que nos acompañaron a cali a trabajar conmigo en transcribir los cuentos, nunca mencionaron la falta de respeto en los comentarios. Se enfocaban en la transcripción de la narración tal como la desarrollaba el narrador, y no en los comentarios. Este es un ejemplo magnífico de lo que se puede perder si un investigador no es completamente fluido en una lengua. La falta de respeto en los comentarios presentó varios problemas para transcripción, traducción y archivando esta colección. El Wounaan contemporáneo de expertos de la lengua, que trabajan con PTOW en la beca NSF DEL, se ofendieron por los comentarios ofensivos y no querían que sus hijos los escucharan. La primera reacción era no transcribir los comentarios. Esta reacción está probablemente ligada a que todoshan sido evangelizados. Aún, los hablantes tenían en cuenta que era una contradicción de que querían preservar su lengua y cultura de sus ancestros, pero querían ignorar lo que no les gustaba. Después de discutir esto , una solución fue de producir dos transcripciones y traducciones de cada cuento, uno con los comentarios y uno sin los comentarios. Los jóvenes menores de 12 años no recibirían la clave para los cuentos con comentarios, y los demás recibirían la opción de escuchar los cuentos con o sin comentarios. La preparación de la colección para el depósito fue hecha como parte de mi beca de NSF, aunque pagué por cambiar las cintas a formato digital, y con un poco de ayuda con lo índices. La ayuda con los índices requirió la ayuda de un hablante nativo de wounaan meu para grabar detalladamente el comienzo y el fin de cada cuento en wounaan meu y español, y a hacer un breve resumen de cada cuento en wounaan meu y español. este conocimiento fue combinado con mi conocimiento del narrador, el lugar de la grabación, etc. Diego Watico hizo los títulos y resumenes para los índices originales de las cintas 1-6, y después Chindío Peña Ismare como parte de PTOW revisó los índices e hizo los títulos y descripciones de los cuentos y cantos en las cintas 7, 20, 21, 22 A&B, y 31-34, mientras que Toñio Peña Conquista trabajó las cintas 35-39. Los índices de Chindío fueron especialmente valiosos, porque él había crecido en un río pequeño, Pepecorro, cuya cabecera era cerquitas al Docampadó. (El Pepecorro es una afluyente del Pimía, que virtía en un río más grande, el Bicordó, que virtía en el río grande de San Juan.) Él todavía se acordaba de algunos de los narradores y podía reconocer sus voces. Si nuestros recolecciones difieren yo incluyo los dos en los metadatos. Ping Pong Media de Tucson, Arizona convirtió la cinta original a cintas de casetes. (Ver sección F del paquete del depositor para ver más detalles de equipos.) Bryan James Gordon, un estudiante de posgrado en el programa de Lingüística/Antropología en la Universidad de Arizona asistió en ayuda técnica para proveer las grabaciones a los Wounaan a través del programa Tool Box. Julia Velasquez Runk, como investigadora principal del proyecto aportó su conocimiento de la historia y cultura Wounaan valiosamente. Finalmente, Jacque Lamb fue mi asistente al crear la página de Excel de los metadatos para las 209 historias y 53 piezas de música. Fue un gran aporte con su conocimiento del programa Excel y su atención a detalles." Vé el archivo PDF abajo que se llama "Kennedy_conditions_of_fieldwork.pdf" para más información acerca de este proyecto.
Wounaan Oral Traditions, Binder Collection, 1970-1980
This collection of materials is based on recordings made by Ron Binder in the Darien and Panama provinces in eastern Panama during the years 1970 through 1980 when he lived with his family in Arusa, a Wounaan village. These recordings were made primarily as a basis for linguistic analysis and an understanding of Wounaan culture in partial fulfillment of a 10-year contract between SIL International and the Ministry of Eduation (specifically, under the auspices of Patrimonio Histórico, part of INAC—Instituto Nacional de Cultura—and the Min. of Ed. of Panama. Most of the recordings were made in the village of Arusa, but Binder also spent time in many other villages in Panama and Colombia, and some were made during those visits. A great number of the stories were recorded in the village of Capetí (which since has moved downriver and is named Capetuira). Capetí was the site chose for several of the older story tellers to gather for purpose of recording their oral history and and folklore. Their goal was to not only record their early stories, but to determine as much as possible their chronological order—something that had never been done. The practical focus of the work with the Wounaan during the 1970s was linguistic analysis, community development, the publication of primers and other materials in Wounaan meu and literacy with a view towards the development of a multilanguage education program. Work continued in Panama during the 1980s and 1990s with several publications and the completion of the New Testament in the language. In the 2000s work has continued via Skype and periodic trips to Panama by invitation of Wounaan leaders. The focus has been on improved literacy materials and nonprint media in the language., Esta colección se basa en grabaciones realizadas por Ron Binder en las provincias de Darién y Panamá en el este de Panamá durante los 1970 y 1980 mientras vivía con su familia en Arusa, un pueblo wounaan. Estas grabaciones se hicieron primariamente como base de análisis lingüístico y para el conocimiento de la cultura wounaan para cumplir con un contrato de diez años entre SIL International y el Ministerio de Educación (específicamente bajo los auspicios de Partimonio Histórico, parte de INAC-Instituto NAcional de Cultura y el Min. de Ed. de Panamá. La mayoría fueron grabadas en el pueblo de Arusa, pero Binder visitió otras localidades de Panamá y Colombia, y algunas se grabaron durante aquellas visitas. Una gran cantidad de los cuentos son del pueblo de Capetí (que desde entonces se mudo río abajo y se llama Capetuira). Capetí fue el sitio elegido por los cuentacuentos antiguos para juntarse se grabar su historia oral y folclor. Su meta fue no solo grabar su cuentos, pero determinar, hasta fuera posible, su orden cronológico--algo que jamás se ha hecho. El enfoque práctico del trabajo con los Wounaan de los 1970 fue el análisis lingüístico, desarrollo comunitario, y la publicación de materials en wounaan meu y alfabetización con una vista hacia el desarrollo de un programa educativo multilingüe. El trabajo continuó en Panamá durante los 1980 y 1990 con unas publicaciones y el Nuevo Testamento en el idioma. En los 2000 el trabajo ha continuado mediante Skype y visitas periódicas a Panamá a la invitación de líderes wounaan. El enfoque ha sido en el mejoramiento de los materiales de alfabetización y los medios no impresos del idioma.
Wounaan Oral Traditions, Loewen Collection, 1948 - 1958
[As per material provided by Dorothy Joyce Pauls and Gladys Loewen] This collection of materials is based on recordings made by Jacob (Jake) Loewen in Colombia during 1947 to 1958. In December 1947 Loewen moved to Colombia with his wife, Anne, and baby daughter, Gladys (born in 1947). They lived in the Wounaan village of Noanamá, on the San Juan River, in the Chocó Department. Loewen’s assignment in Colombia was to reduce the Wounaan language to writing, and later to study the ten dialects of the Choco language family in Panama and Colombia for Bible translation purposes. They stayed in Colombia for five years until they left on furlough in January 1953. During those five years, daughter Dorothy Joyce (DJ) was born in 1950, and Sharon was born in 1951, both in Andagoya, at the hospital for miners in that town some 4 hours by launch on the San Juan River. During his two-year furlough Jacob Loewen completed his Master’s studies in linguistics at the University of Washington, Seattle. His 1954 Master's thesis on Wounaan meu linguistics is titled “Waunana Grammar: A Descriptive Analysis.” Son William (Bill) was born in 1954 in Chilliwack, BC, Canada. Jacob Loewen’s linguistics work in Colombia continued after his furlough from 1955-1957, and expanded to Panama within a few years. In this period the Loewens and family resided in Cali instead of Noanamá. As part of his assignment Loewen went to the Sambu area of Panama to study their dialect in April-May 1956. After returning from Colombia in 1957 Loewen was involved with the Choco Church program in Panama during the summers-- a 25 year project from 1959-1984 attempting a full generation of culture change within a Christian framework. The family did not accompany Loewen to Panama. Jacob Loewen died in 2006. More information about him and his work can be found with his deposited papers at Fresno Pacific University, see http://library.fresno.edu/files/m104.pdf. It is unclear when Jacob Loewen made these recordings during his residence in Colombia, although it is certain they are from that country (rather than Panama). Loewen gave these recordings to Ronald Binder a number of years ago. Binder mentioned them during planning for the Wounaan Oral Traditions Project in 2008, and project PI Julie Velásquez Runk contacted Anne Loewen, executor of her husband’s estate, for her consent to use the recordings for their linguistic analysis and use. She granted consent with a letter. Upon her death, their daughters Gladys Loewen and Dorothy Joyce Pauls, contacted Velásquez Runk, notified her of the death, and again conferred consent to analyze the recordings and archive them. Gladys Loewen is executor of her parents’ estate. Recordings were made with a reel-to-reel recorder. Ron Binder stated that “he was pretty sure the recordings were made with an old classic Wollensak 7” reel-to-reel tape recorder.” The Loewen estate has added four photos of Jacob Loewen making recordings, in which his recorder also was pictured. From 2010 – 2014 these recordings were part of the NSF Documenting Endangered Languages Grant Documenting Wounaan meu to the University of Georgia (BCS 0966520) and the University of Arizona (BCS 0966046) together with the approval of the Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW, National Wounaan Congress) and the Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW, Foundation for the Development of Wounaan People). In this project, known as the Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan (Wounaan Oral Traditions Project), a portion of the recordings of Loewen together with those of Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy, Ronald Binder, and Julie Velásquez Runk were transcribed and translated by the project’s language experts, Toño Peña Conquista, Chindío Peña Ismare, Doris Cheucarama Membache, Tonny Membora Peña, and Chivio Membora Peña. Wounaan meu (noa); language of the Wounaan people. Wounaan meu is an SOV language that is part of the Chocó language family spoken in Panama and Colombia, differing significantly from the other (Emberá) languages of that language family., [Esta descripción fue proporcionada por Dorothy Joyce Pauls y Gladys Loewen] Esta colección de materiales se basa en las grabaciones captadas por Jacob (Jake) Loewen en Colombia entre 1947 y 1958. En diciembre de 1947 Loewen se mudó a Colombia con su esposa Anne y niña Gladys (nacida en 1947). Vivieron en el pueblo Wounaan de Noanamá en el Río San Juan en el Departamento de Chocó. La tarea de Loewen en Colombia fue reducir el idioma Wounaan a la escritura, y luego estudiar los diez dialectos del idioma Choco en Panamá y Colombia para luego traducir la biblia. Quedaron en Colombia cinco años y luego salieron de permiso en enero de 1953. En aquellos cinco años, nacieron su hija Dorothy Joyce (DJ) en 1950, y su hija Sharon en 1951 en Andagoya, en el hospital para mineros en aquel pueblo que dista unas 4 horas en lancha por el Río San Juan. En el periodo de permiso de dos años, Jacob Loewen terminó su maestría en lingüística en la University of Washington en Seattle. Su tesis magestral de 1954 se titula "Waunana Grammar: A Descriptive Analysis". Nació su hijo William (Bill) en 1954 en Chiliwack, BC, Canadá. El trabajo lingüístico de Jacob Loewen en Colombia siguió después de su permiso de 1955-1957, y en pocos años se extendió a Panamá. En aquellos años los Loewen vivía en Cali en lugar de Noanamá. Como parte de su asignación, Loewen fue a la región Sambú de Panamá para estudiar aquel dialecto del idioma en abril y mayo de 1956. Después de regresar a Colombia en 1957 Loewen se involucró en el programa de la Iglesia Choco en los veranos en Panamá. Éste es un proyecto que duró 25 años de 1959-1984 que pretendió hacer una generación completa de cambio cultural dentro de un marco cristiano. La familia no acompañó a Loewen a Panamá. Falleció Jacob Loewen en 2006. Más información acerca de él y sus obras se puede encontrar junto a sus papeled depositados en Fresno Pacific University, véase http://library.fresno.edu/files/m104.pdf. No está claro cuando Jacob Loewen hizo estas grabaciones durante su residencia en Colombia, aunque sí está claro que radican de este pueblo y no de Panamá. Hace varios años se les dio a Ronald Binder quien las mencionó durante una junta de planificación del Proyecto de Tradición Oral Wounaan en 2008. Investigador principal Julie Velásquez Runk se contactó con Anne Loewen, la ejecutadora del patrimonio de su esposo para su conentimiento para el análisis y uso lingüístico de las grabaciones. Se la dio en una carta. Después de que falleció Anne Loewen, sus hijas Gladys Loewen y Dorothy Joyce Pauls avisaron a Velásquez Runk de su fallecimiento y otorgaron de nuevo su permiso para el análisis y almacenaje de las grabaciones. Gladys Loewen es la ejecutadora del patrimonio de sus padres. Las grabaciones se hicieron con una grabadora de carrete abierta. Ron Binder dijo que "estaba bastante seguro que las grabaciones se realizaton con una vieja grabadora clásica de carrete abierta Wollensak de 7 pulgadas." El patrimonio de Loewen ha proporcionado cuatro fotografías en que aparece Jacob Loewen grabando con dicha grabadora. Desde el 2010 al 2014 las grabaciones formaron parte de la subvención "Documenting Wounaan meu" de la National Science Foundation Documenting Endangered Languages que fue ortogada a la University of Georgia (BCS 0966520) y la University of Arizona (BCS 0966046) junto con la aprobación del Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW) y la Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW). En este proyecto, conocido como Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan, una porción de las grabaciones de Loewen y las de Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy, Ronald Binder, y Julie Velásquez Runk fueron transcritas y traducidas por los expertos de idioma del proyecto: Toño Peña Conquista, Chindío Peña Ismare, Doris Cheucarama Membache, Tonny Membora Peña y Chivio Membora Peña. Wounaan meu es una lengua de orden SOV que forma parte de la familia Chocó hablada por Panamá y Colombia. Se distingue significativamente de los demás idiomas de esta familia, los idiomas emberá.
Wounaan Oral Traditions, Velásquez Runk Collection, 2002 – 2004
https://faculty.franklin.uga.edu/runk/content/proyecto-tradición-oral-wounaan, This collection of materials is based on recordings made by Julie/a Velásquez Runk in eastern Panama during 2002 and 2003. Velásquez Runk made these recordings as part of her dissertation research on political and cultural ecology of Wounaan forest use, which was carried out under a research agreement with the Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW, Wounaan National Congress) and the Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW, Foundation for the Development of Wounaan People). Recordings are from the communities of Majé (frequently known as Majé-Chimán) in eastern Panamá Province, and Puerto (or Boca) Lara, in Darién Province. Velásquez Runk asked villagers to tell traditional stories, which was not frequently being done at the time. Therefore, most recordings are of individuals telling stories into the recorder with Velásquez Runk and Gervacio Ortíz Negría in Majé or Wilio Quintero Quiróz in Puerto Lara. At one point Ortíz Negría made recordings in Majé when Velásquez Runk was absent. On one occasion in Puerto Lara, the community leaders supported a public meeting on story telling, which also became a time for historical remembrances of when the narrator was a child. Because all of the narrators of these recordings are still alive at the time of deposit (2014) Velásquez Runk has signed consent forms from each for their deposit. Additional recordings from 2002 and 2003 may be deposited once Velásquez Runk is able to locate narrators for their consent. Recordings were made with both a cassette and digital recorder. On rare occasions, one of those recorders failed because of spent batteries. Regardless, digital recordings originally were in .MSV format, and those recordings and cassette recordings were transferred into .WAV format at the University of Georgia’s Center for Teaching and Leanring. From 2010 – 2014 these recordings were part of the NSF Documenting Endangered Languages Grant Documenting Wounaan meu to the University of Georgia (BCS 0966520) and the University of Arizona (BCS 0966046) together with the approval of the Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW, National Wounaan Congress) and the Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW, Foundation for the Development of Wounaan People). In this project, known as the Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan (Wounaan Oral Traditions Project), a portion of the recordings of Velásquez Runk together with those of Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy, Ronald Binder, and Jacob Loewen were transcribed and translated by the project’s language experts, Toño Peña Conquista, Chindío Peña Ismare, Doris Cheucarama Membache, Tonny Membora Peña, and Chivio Membora Peña., Esta colección de materiales se basa en las grabaciones realizadas por Julie/Julia Velásquez Runk en el oriente de Panamá entre 2002 y 2003. Velásquez Runk hizo las grabaciones como parte de su investigación doctoral acerca de la ecología political y cultural del uso de los bosques por los Wounaan, que se realizó bajo un acuerdo de investigación con el Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW) y la Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW). Las grabaciones son de las comunidades de Majé (conocido también como Majé-Chimán) en el este de la provincia de Panamá, y en Puerto (o Boca) Lara en la provincia de Darién. Velásquez Runk les pidió a la gente contar cuentos tradicionales, una actividad que se caía en desuso. Por eso, la mayoría de las grabaciones son de individuos contando cuentos en la grabadora con Velásquez Runk y Gervacio Ortiz Negría en Majé o Wilio Quintero Quiroz en Puerto Lara. En una ocasión en Puerto Lara, los jefes de la comunidad apoyaron una asemblea pública acerca de la narración de cuentos, que dio lugar para los recuerdos históricos de la niñez de los hablantes. Ya que todos los hablantes eran vivos cuando se depositaron los archivos (2014), Velásquez Runk tiene consentimientos firmados por sus materiales. Grabaciones adicionales de 2002 y 2003 pueden ser depositados también uan vez que Velásquez Runk pueda localizar los hablantes para sacar las firmas. Las grabaciones se grabaron en casete y en una grabadora digital. En raras ocasiones, se descargaron las pilas de una de las grabadoras. Sin embargo, las grabaciones digitales originales se crearon en format .MSV, y tanto ésas que las grabaciones en casete se convirtieron en formato WAV en el Center for Teaching and Learning de la University of Georgia. De 2010 a 2014 estas grabaciones formaron parte de la subvención Documenting Wounaan meu del programa Documenting Endangered Languages de la National Science Foundation de EEUU ortograda a la University of Georgia (BCS 0966520) y la University of Arizona (BCS 0966046) junto con la aprobación del Congreso Nacional del Pueblo Wounaan (CNPW) y la Fundación para el Desarrollo del Pueblo Wounaan (FUNDEPW). En este proyecto, conocido como el Proyecto Tradición Oral Wounaan (Wounaan Oral Traditions Project), una porción de las grabaciones de Velásquez Runk junto con las de Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy, Ronald Binder, y Jacob Loewen se transcribieron y se tradujeron por los peritos de idioma del proyecto, Toño Peña Conquista, Chindío Peña Ismare, Doris Cheucarama Membache, Tonny Membora Peña y Chivio Membora Peña.
Yawarana: documentation project collection
DO NOT CITE THIS COLLECTION. THIS COLLECTION IS UNDER ACTIVE CURATION AND MATERIALS ARE SUBJECT TO DELETION AND REORGANIZATION WITHOUT NOTICE. Materials in and about the Yawarana language of the Parucito river in Venezuela collected since September 2015 on three separate visits to the speakers in the city of Puerto Ayacucho, the town of San Juan de Manapiare and the village of Majagua (additional materials will be collected in 2018). This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Number BCS-1500714. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation., NO CITE ESTA COLECCIÓN. LA PRESENTE COLECCIÓN ESTÁ EN CURACIÓN ACTIVA Y LOS MATERIALES SON SUJETOS A ELIMINACIÓN O REORGANIZACIÓN SIN AVISO. Materiales en y acerca del idioma yabarana del río Parucito, Venezuela, recolectados desde septiembre de 2015 en tres visitas distintas a los hablantes en la ciudad de Puerto Ayacucho, el pueblo de San Juan de Manapiare y la comunidad indígena de Majagua (materiales adicionales serán recolectados en 2018). Este material se basa en trabajo apoyado por la National Science Foundation bajo subvención No. BCS-1500714. Cualquier opinión, hallazgo, conclusión o recomendación expresado en este material son del autor/los autores y no necesariamente reflejan aquellos de la National Science Foundation.
Yokot'an (Tabasco Chontal) Dialect Survey
The Yokot'an (Tabasco Chontal) Dialect Survey was planned by Brad Montgomery-Anderson and Terrence Kaufman as part of the Project for the Documentation of the Languages of MesoAmerica in 2010. The questionnaire for this dialect survey was based on the "Linguistic questionnaire for dialect variation research on the languages of Guatemala" (Kaufman 1970-1971), the "Linguistic questionnaire for dialect variation research on the Totonac language" (Kaufman, McKay and Trechsel, 1994), and the "Linguistic questionnaire for dialect variation research on the Zoque language" (Kaufman and Zavala, 2010). Yokot'an is a Mayan language also known as Tabasco Chontal (or simply Chontal), and is not to be confused with the unrelated Chontal languages of Oaxaca. Ethnologue assigns Yokot'an the ISO 639-3 code chf. Surveys were taken in the following communities and municipalities in the Mexican state of Tabasco:
  • Colonia Nueva Esperanza Quintín Arauz, Centla
  • Villa Vicente Guerrero, Centla
  • Isla Guadalupe, Nacajuca
  • Olcuatitán, Nacajuca
  • Tapotzingo, Nacajuca
  • Tecoluta, Nacajuca
  • Tucta, Nacajuca
  • Montegrande, Jonuta
  • Tamulté de las Sabanas, Centro
  • Villa Benito Juárez (previously known as San Carlos), Macuspana
The bulk of the materials were given to AILLA by Terrence Kaufman for digitization and preservation in 2012. Some born-digital materials were given to AILLA after this time. After processing, physical media was returned to Kaufman beginning in May 2018. The collection consists of 14 folders containing 496 audio recordings in WAV or MP3 format, 18 digital document files, and 26 digital images of the towns and people represented in the survey. 10 folders contain all the media (audio, texts, and images) associated with a single set of responses to the dialect survey or biographic interview. One folder contains a blank copy of the questionnaire used for this project, and three folders contain other audio recordings in Yokot'an: a history of one community, a narrative about a married couple, and songs. As of July 2018, there are no transcriptions survey responses in the collection apart from answers to the biographical and sociolinguistic questions of the interview. All items in this collection are restricted at this time. Refer to AILLA's Access Levels and Conditions of Use for more information. Additional materials in Yokot'an (including elicitation recordings, narratives, songs, and more) may be found in the Project for the Documentation of the Languages of MesoAmerica Collection in AILLA. The digitization and preservation of this collection was supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. BCS-1157867. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation., La Encuesta Dialectal del Yokot'an (Chontal de Tabasco) fue planteado por Brad Montgomery-Anderson y Terrence Kaufman como parte del Proyecto para la Documentación de las Lenguas de Mesoamérica en 2010. El cuestionario para la encuesta dialectal se basa en “El cuestionario lingüístico para la investigación de las variaciones dialectales en las lenguas de Guatemala” (Kaufman 1970-1971), el “Cuestionario lingüístico para la investigación de las variaciones dialectales de la lengua totonaca” (Kaufman, McKay and Trechsel, 1994) y el "Cuestionario lingüístico para la investigación de las variaciones dialectales de la lengua zoque" (Kaufman y Zavala, 2010). El yokot'an es un idioma mayance conocido también como chontal de Tabasco o simplemente chontal. No se debe confundir con los idiomas chontales no emparentados de Oaxaca. Ethnologue le asigna yokot'an el código ISO 639-3 chf. Se recopilaron datos en las siguientes comunidades y municipios de Tabasco:
  • Colonia Nueva Esperanza Quintín Arauz, Centla
  • Villa Vicente Guerrero, Centla
  • Isla Guadalupe, Nacajuca
  • Olcuatitán, Nacajuca
  • Tapotzingo, Nacajuca
  • Tecoluta, Nacajuca
  • Tucta, Nacajuca
  • Montegrande, Jonuta
  • Tamulté de las Sabanas, Centro
  • Villa Benito Juárez (antigüamente San Carlos), Macuspana
Terrence Kaufman entregó estos materiales a AILLA para su digitalización y preservación en 2012. A partir de entonces se empezó a entregar unos archivos nacidos digitales también. Después del procesamiento, los materiales físicos se devolvieron a Kaufman a partir de mayo del 2018. La colección consta de 14 carpetas que albergan 496 grabaciones de audio en formato WAV o MP3, 18 documentos digitales (2 cuestionarios no rellenados y guías para el intrevisador, 1 documento con apuntes sobre la fonología del nawat de Paso de Cupilco, 2 documentos con fotografías de los pueblos y personas representados en la encuesta, y 7 transcripciones de las respuestas a preguntas biográficas y sociolingüísticas) y 26 imagenes digitales de los pueblos y personas asociados con la encuesta. 10 carpetas contienen todos los materiales (audio, textos, y imágenes) asociados con un conjunto de respuestas a la encuesta dialectal o una entrevista biográfica. Una carpeta incluye una copia del instrumento de la encuesta en blanco y tres carpetas incluyen otras grabaciones en yokot'an: una historia de un pueblo, una narrativa de un matrimonio y canciones. Hasta julio del 2018, no hay transcripciones de las respuestas de las encuestas en la colección, aparte de unos documentos con las respuestas a las preguntas de la porción biográfica de la entrevista. Todos los archivos en esta colección son restringidos para el momento. Refiérese a losNiveles de Acceso y las Condiciones de Uso para más información. Otros materiales en yokot'an (incluyendo grabaciones de elicitaciones gramaticales, narraciones, canciones y más) pueden encontrarse en la Colección del Proyecto para la Documentación de las Lenguas de MesoAmérica en AILLA. La digitalización y preservación de esta colección fue apoyado por la Beca No. BCS-1157867 de la National Science Foundation. Cualquier opinión, hallazgos, conclusión o recomendación expresado en estos materiales son de los autores y no reflejan necesariamente los de la National Science Foundation.
Yucatec Maya Collection of Melissa Frazier
http://www.unc.edu/~melfraz/ling.html, These recordings were made in order to establish a collection of spoken Yucatec Maya that will be helpful to anyone who studies the language. Research was supported by the Luis Quirós Varela Graduate Student Travel Fund, supplemented by the ISA Mellon Dissertation Fellowship (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill)., Estas grabaciones fueron hecho para establecer una colección de maya yucateco hablado que será útil para cualquier estudiante de la lengua. Las investigaciones fueron apoyado por el Luis Quirós Varela Graduate Student Travel Fund, aumentado por el ISA Mellon Dissertation Fellowship (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill)
Yuhup Collection of Lorena Orjuela
This collection contains audio and visual material related to the Yuhup language and culture. The data were collected in Bocas de Uga, Vaupés, Colombia in July 2017. The information corresponds to list of words, sentences, life histories, myths and instructions. The funders of this fieldwork were: Carlota S. Smith Research Grant; Joel Sherzer Research Grant and Tinker Field Research Grant., Esta colección contiene material audio visual sobre la lengua y cultura del pueblo Yuhup. Los datos fueron recolectados en Bocas de Uga, Vaupés, Colombia en el mes de julio de 2017. Los datos corresponden a listas de palabras, oraciones, historias de vida, mitos e instrucciones. Los financiadores del trabajo de campo fueron: Carlota S. Smith Research Grant, Joel Sherzer Research Grant y Tinker Field Research Grant.
The Zacatepec Chatino Documentation Project
Genetic Affiliation and Geographic location Chatino is a shallow language family that is coordinate with Zapotec in the Zapotecan language family of the Otomanguean language stock. It is spoken in the Southern Sierra Madre mountains of Oaxaca, Mexico. Chatino consists of three main varieties, Zenzontepec (ZEN), Tataltepec de Valdez (TAT), and Eastern Chatino (Boas, 1913; Woodbury, 2008). Zacatepec belongs to the Eastern Chatino variety. Current documentation of Zacatepec, San Juan Quiahije, Yaitepec, Tataltepec and Teotepec Chatino indicate that within Eastern Chatino, there is significant diversity with regard to phonological structure including tone and penultimate syllable loss (E. Cruz & Woodbury 2006, Pride & Pride 1997, Rasch 2002, Villard 2008). So even within this set, intelligibility varies, especially between the innovative varieties and the conservative ZAC. ZAC Chatino is ONLY spoken in a very small geographic area corresponding to the village of San Marcos Zacatepec. It is located in the lowlands of the Southern Sierra Madre, at about 820 meters above sea level, 30 minutes from the Pacific coast in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico (Lat:16° 8'35.41"N ~ Long: 97°21'16.22"W). It has a population of approximately 1000 people (according to the 2005 census - INEGI-Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Geografía). Language Endangerment Economic activities in San Marcos Zacatepec include growing coffee and corn mainly at a subsistence farming scale. Many village men and women work as laborers in near-by towns like Rio Grande, Puerto Escondido and Juquila. Furthermore, the village has been experiencing mass migration by the younger generation of men, and recently even by young women, to Mexican cities and the US. In the last forty years, it has developed important commercial ties with non-Chatino communities thanks to improved access to the coast through a very accessible and direct road. Zacatepec Chatino finds itself in an extremely precarious situation as the number of speakers is dwindling quickly. It is only spoken by the elder population, so out of the one thousand village inhabitants, maybe one third are chatino speakers, leaving the language with a very worrying approximate 300 native speakers. All Chatino speakers are bilingual in Chatino and Spanish, and no monolingual Chatino speakers are left. The middle-aged population has some notion of Chatino and could be considered passive speakers, but the youth is Spanish monolingual as it is the language of media and of instruction in the schools. A Comprehensive Documentation This project produced a collection of recorded, transcribed, analyzed and archived Zacatepec Chatino (ZAC) texts including: narrative, dialogue, ritual speech, oral history; and description of cultural practices such as farming, cooking, building, political economy, work practice and toponymic information. Community Oriented documentation ZAC native speaker, Margarita González Hernández and Anatolio Soriano Cortés, were trained in text collecting by Stéphanie Villard. They were taught how to use a digital recorder (ZoomH2) which was left with them in Villard’s absence so that they could collect texts from various members of the community. Comparative Chatino and Zapotecan Linguistics ZAC is underdocumented and conservative, so it is vital to understanding comparative Chatino and Zapotecan linguistics. Some parallels to Zapotec have been found that had only been previously documented in a very divergent Chatino variety (Zenzontepec Chatino; Campbell, E.). Studying ZAC sheds light on the morphology of other Chatino varieties which have been obscured by a process of penultimate syllable loss. Also, work on the ZAC intricate tonal system contributes to a greater understanding of tone languages typologically as the tone languages of Meso-America differ considerably from Asia and Africa. Previous Research on Zacatepec Chatino Previous work on Zacatepec Chatino was non-existent--aside from a few lexical citations in the Pride’s dictionary before 2005, when E. Cruz, H. Cruz, and A. Woodbury began recording texts and wordlists. In the summer of 2006, Stéphanie Villard visited San Marcos Zacatepec for the first time , joined the CLDP and continued the documentation work Woodbury and Cruz, H had initiated. In 2007, Villard started working on ZAC Chatino under the auspices of an ELDP (SOAS) Major grant (MDP0153) to Woodbury (Data archived at Elar and Ailla under the Chatino Language Documentation Project). 2007-2010. This collection is the product of fieldwork financed by ELDP but under an individual Grant (IGS 0128) to Villard from 2010-2013. A study of the Zacatepec tonal system was published in 2008 (Villard 2008) which established most of the sandhi patterns but failed (along with previous studies) to distinguish low vs. null tones as such. A study of Zacatepec tonal system was published in 2008 (Villard 2008), a grammatical sketch of the language was written in 2009 (Villard 2009) and a verb classification and aspectual morphology study is to appear in 2010 (Villard 2010). Stéphanie Villard’s work so far has provided valuable information about the Chatino Language in general, and more precisely about Eastern Chatino varieties as it unveils very interesting similarities to others in the group (in its intricate tonal system for example), but also to divergent ZEN Chatino, which belongs to a different branch of Chatino (as in its aspectual morphology). A list of published and unpublished works by researchers working on Chatino languages can be found at: https://sites.google.com/site/lenguachatino/recursos-academicos Impact of the Program in General Within the Scientific Community Prior to 2006, Zacatepec Chatino was an undocumented language. The thorough documentation itself of this moribund language will probably represent the biggest impact of the program over the longest range. In-depth analyses of the phonology (including tones), morphology and syntax of the language, may also have long range impact. Adequate grammatical analyses play an important part in the quality of the material curated (especially transcription). The better the quality of the material curated, the more likely it is that philologists or formal linguists can embark on their own analysis of materials, regardless of whether the specific details of the analysis are superseded or not. Today, zac corpus is among the largest corpora of natural discourse collected by native speakers in Mesomerica, and it has the potential to fuel an indefinite number of scholarly studies in linguistics and related fields in the future. This language was virtually unknown to the scientific community before 2006, but it has attracted special interest, even within its own language family, because of its unique typological characteristics. Its phonology presents a complex tonal system with a large inventory of phonemic tonal sequences as well as intricate sandhi patterns, which have been the focus of various papers and presentations. Furthermore, contrary to most other Chatino varieties, zac conserves all non-final syllables of its roots. The latter makes it the center piece of the Chatino language puzzle as its transparent morphology tells the story of the evolution of more innovative Chatino varieties: beyond simply revealing lost segments, it provides polymoraic structures that host clear sequences of tones that are not discernable in the simpler, monosyllabic/monomoraic varieties. Documentation methods Narrative The community is interested in preserving the rapidly disappearing collection of traditional narratives. Since June, 2009, Margarita González Hernandez has been visiting the homes of speakers known for their abilities in verbal art. She is always in search of elders who reputedly tell stories in a "pure, old, and beautiful style". Documenting these people's oratory will not only ensure preserving an endangered way of speaking but also lead to elucidating what it is about its linguistic structure that is so highly appreciated. Farming - traditional building practices and food preparation The Zacatepec area is rich in coffee, beans, fruits and coconut plantations. Descriptions and dialogues of traditional practices of planting, maintaining, harvesting, and storing these crops were collected. Food preparation, such as tortilla and tamale making has also been documented, capturing some of the daily practice of women in the documentation, an area so far lacking. Furthermore, the abundance of palm trees in the vicinity makes Zacatepec one of the rare Chatino communities still building beautiful traditional palm houses. Nowadays, this work is done by young men and conducted in Spanish, but many older men in the village are very knowledgeable of the Chatino jargon and techniques related to this traditional building process. Traditional political system San Marcos Zacatepec is an agencia of the Municipio of Juquila, which is part of the District of Juquila, which is a district of the State of Oaxaca. Unfortunately, the community of ZAC is politically divided. Unlike most other Chatino communities that enjoy some kind of autonomy under the 'usos y costumbres' political system, ZAC is mainly governed by the Agencia Municipal. There exists an 'Agencia del Pueblo' that falls under 'the usos y costumbres' system but it has little governing power. Chatino political structure is complex, multi-leveled, and involves standards of community service (Greenberg, 1981; Hernández-Díaz, 1992) in a typical Mesoamerican cargo system (Dewalt, 1985). As a result of language shift, all traditional political practices in the 'Agencia del Pueblo' are conducted in Spanish. So ceremonial speech with high verbal art which is typical of Chatino political oratory (as found in Quiahije Chatino (Cruz, 2009)) is still vivid in some elder's memories but completely unknown to the youth. Descriptions of the organization and traditions of community service and possibly examples of traditional political oratory will be recorded. Training of language documenters and language transcribers Margarita González Hernandez is about 70 years old and has been working with Stéphanie Villard on the documentation of her native language since 2006. She is trained to record natural speech with a ZoomH2. Margarita has collected about 95% of all natural discourse in this collection. Anatolio Soriano Cortés is about 65 years old, and he has been involved in this project since the summer of 2011. He has recorded some natural discourse text but his main role in the project was to transcribe and translate texts. He was trained to read and write Chatino over the summer of 2011. When Villard was away from the field, he transcribed/translated texts alone, using a CD player to listen to the recordings, and a notebook to transcribe (Anatolio is an older person and is not familiar with computers). Over the course of this project he has transcribed about 8 hours of texts (without tones), of which about 5 hours were reviewed and revised together during Villard’s stay in the field. María de Jesus Barrada is a passive speaker of Chatino in her mid-twenties who approached Stéphanie Villard during the summer of 2012 to be part of the project. She said that she wanted to learn how to write Chatino to become a language transcriber. At first, Villard had doubts that it would work out because of the fact that she was apparently only a passive speaker. Villard invited María to spend some time with her during the summer 2012 so that she could teach María how to write Chatino. María finished high school so she is a good Spanish reader and writer. They worked on Chatino orthography and when Villard felt she was ready, they started working on transcriptions. Villard happened to have a lot of recordings with María’s mother’s voice (Matilde Barrada) because she is a prolific storyteller. Villard picked one of her recordings and figured that María would understand her mother’s speech best. They had Matilde present with them and she would repeat at a slower pace each utterance so that María could transcribe the words. Villard and María spent the summer 2012 working together on transcribing María’s mother’s story, and by the end of Villard’s stay María was pretty good at transcribing without Villard’s help. It turns out María is a much better speaker of Chatino than she initially advertised. At the end of the summer of 2012, Villard left her 2 hours of her mother’s text to transcribe. For the moment, María transcribes without tones, because Villard would like to wait till she is comfortable with orthography before adding the difficulty of tone transcription. Like Anatolio Soriano Cortés, María started transcribing in notebooks and then moved on to transcribing with Elan. 1. Text collection The collection of text contains over 170 hours of natural discourse with about 100 speakers, men and women ranging from 40 to 87 years old. This number means that about one third of the Chatino speakers in the community (about 300 speakers are left) have participated in the documentation of zac Chatino since 2005. The range of genres/topics: conversations, personal narratives, folk tales, traditional political system, culinary practices, and ritual speech. 95% of these recordings were collected by native speakers (mainly Margarita González Hernandez). The participants have expressed the desire to share and preserve their personal narrative. Most recording in this corpus represents a ‘tranche de vie’ (slice of life) and in a way it is very similar (though at a much smaller scale) to the StoryCorps project in the US. 2. Video collection About 6 hours of videos of conversations were collected. At first Villard was not sure whether speakers would be willing to be filmed at all, but it turned out that they did not seem to be bothered at all by the camera. She ended up filming about 6 hours of conversation with different speakers. The setting is always the same: they are sitting on low chairs, not quite facing each other as Villard noticed this is not the preferred position for having a conversation. The angle is wide enough to capture hand gestures, and the sound is captured by both the external microphone of the video camera as well as by an independent digital recorder. The sound captured by the external microphone of the video camera is actually good enough to do transcription with Elan, but Villard also wanted a separate sound file in case she wanted to do some phonological analysis with those files at some point in the future. 3. Transcription and translation The task of transcribing and translating has been done by 3 people: Anatolio Soriano Cortés, Stéphanie Villard and María de Jesús Barrada. At this point, mostly unrevised transcriptions are archived in this collection as Villard is still in the process of adding the tone markings and revising orthography of each transcription. Revised transcriptions will be archived as they are edited. Stéphanie Villard has been doing transcription and translation work also with the help of Margarita González Hernandez. Because of ZAC intricate tonal system, this is a task that has to be done with the help of a native speaker whose task is to re-speak each utterance at a slow pace, and also to repeat each word in isolation first, and then in a specific tonal environment in order to consider the effect of the floating tones and determine the tonal class of the word in question. This process is very slow and tedious at first when a lot of new words are encountered but becomes less so over time when new words are only encountered every so often. 4. zac lexicon As of today, zac Chatino has a lexicon of a little less of 1000 non-verbal words (Flex - Fieldwork Language Explorer - SIL) and a verb database (Excel) counting about 320 simplex and complex verbs conjugated in all four aspects and four persons (1s, 2s, 3s, 1plin, 1plex) amounting to a total of about 6000 recorded verb forms (not all paradigms are complete)., https://sites.google.com/site/lenguachatino/
Zapotec Collection of Brook Lillehaugen
http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/grads/lillehaugen, These audio recordings include a wide range of discourse genres, including personal and historical narratives and instructions for preparing traditional dishes and using plants in traditional crafts. There are also several versions of the Frog Story told by different speakers. Some of the recordings are accompanied by interlinear texts. Some of the recordings are available publically, but most of the recordings are restricted access. If you're interested in seeing them, please contact Brook Danielle Lillehaugen who can provide you with the password., Estas grabaciones de audio incluyen una gran variedad de géneros de discurso, incluyendo narrativos personal e historical y instrucciones para preparar comidas tradicionales y para utilizar plantas en artesania tradicionales. Además, hay varias versiones del Cuento de Rana narrado por hablantes diferentes. Algunas de las grabaciones se acompañan por textos interlinearizados. La mayor parte de las grabaciones son de acceso restringido.
Zapotec Collection of May Helena Plumb
This collection contains materials in and about Western Tlacolula Valley Zapotec, specifically the variety spoken in San Jerónimo Tlacochahuaya (Diza xte Zunni Ro'), which were collected by May Helena Plumb. How to cite: Plumb, May Helena (Collector, Depositor). In prep. Zapotec Collection of May Helena Plumb. The Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America, ailla.utexas.org. Access: public. PID ailla:257460., La colección contiene materiales en y acerca de el zapoteco de Tlacolula occidental, en particular la variedad que se habla en San Jerónimo Tlacochahuaya (Diza xte Zunni Ro'). Estes materiales fueron recogidos por May Helena Plumb. Como citar: Plumb, May Helena (Coleccionista, Depositante). En preparación. Zapotec Collection of May Helena Plumb. Archivo de los Idiomas Indígenas de Latinoamérica, ailla.utexas.org. Access: public. PID ailla:257460.
The Zoque Collection of Ernesto Ramírez Muñoz
Material is in the Zoque language of Ocotepec, Chiapas. It was compiled during the fieldwork for the elaboration of the master's thesis of Ernesto Ramírez Muñoz, during the period of October-December of the year 2015., Material en lengua zoque de Ocotepec, Chiapas. Se recopiló durante el trabajo de campo para la elaboración de la tesis de maestría de Ernesto Ramírez Muñoz, durante el periodo de octubre-diciembre del año 2015., Yojsku'y kubimäbä' 'Ode tsame'omo, Chiapajs najsomo. Yajk tu'myaju nä tsyäjku'k Ernesto Ramírez Muñoz'is nye tyodo jaye maestria'omobä' te' octubre-diciembre 2014 'ame'omo.
The Zoque of Ocotepec, Chiapas Collection of Roman de la Cruz Morales
This collection was carried out in the zoque of Ocotepec Chiapas. Data was collected from August to December 2014. The main objective was to analyze the data in order for Román de la Cruz Morales to write a Master dissertation., La documentación se realizó únicamente en el zoque de Ocotepec, Chiapas, durante el periodo de agosto-diciembre de 2014. El objetivo principal fue analizar datos para escribir una tesis de maestría por Román de la cruz Morales., Te' todo'jaye kubikupku'yistide nye' tsyäjkjayajubä Chiapasnajsomo 'ijtubä. Tsyäjkyaju mojsapoya'omo te' 2014 'ame'omo. Tsyäjktäju yä' yojsku'y wa'a mujsu yjayä Román de la Cruz Moralesis todomäjanhbä maestriakoda'.
zzz-Metadata Mapping
ailla.utexas.org, Description, Description, Description
ZZZZ-AILLA Test Collection
Files used by archive staff for testing protocols, code, formats, etc., Archivos utilizando por empleos del archive para someter a prueba protocolos, códigos, formatos, etc., ailla.utexas.org, test

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